After the elections on June 9, the Greens want to form a coalition with Ursula von der Leyen. What concessions does the leading candidate, Terry Reintke, make in this regard?

Terry Reintke at the appearance of the Alianza 90/The Greens campaign for the 2024 European elections

Terry Reintke is the main German and European candidate for the June 9 elections Photo: Revierfoto/imago

taz: Mrs Reintke, according to a survey you are the least known of all the main German candidates for the European elections. How do you want to change that?

Terry Reintke: I think we can get some things out in the next few weeks. But of course the survey shows a general challenge: measured by the influence it has on people's daily lives, European politics should also play a bigger role outside of the election campaign.

This is the most important article about you since the beginning of the year. star published. These were accusations of harassment against the Green MP Malte Gallée. The European group accused him of inaction. What did you do wrong?

Of course, I am very concerned that misconduct may have occurred. We are the only group in the European Parliament that has an ombudsman system. In recent months, we have taken additional measures to make it easier for those affected to file complaints. It is important to me that our group is a safe place to work.

37 years old, she comes from the Ruhr region and has been the leader of the Greens parliamentary group in the EU Parliament since 2022. She is the main German and European candidate for the elections on June 9.

You appear explicitly as a feminist and have campaigned for #Metoo. Shouldn't I have said more about you as leader of the parliamentary group?

Where there is power, there is always abuse of power. Good systems are needed to combat this. I will continue to defend this.

Let's talk about the EU Commission: Has President Ursula von der Leyen done a good job since 2019?

At first, it took advantage of the momentum of the climate movement and provided a real boost with the Green Deal, which aims to make Europe climate neutral by 2050. However, over the past two years there have been repeated attempts from within its own ranks to stop the package and even reverse it. We say: the Green Deal must continue. And we need a strong commitment to democracy, climate protection and climate-neutral prosperity in Europe even after the elections. If you want that, you have to vote Green.

In 2019, the Greens voted against von der Leyen in parliament, even though she spoke about climate change. They are now striving for cooperation, although they no longer trust it on climate issues. How does that fit in?

The conservatives, social democrats and liberals will probably no longer obtain a comfortable majority. You need another partner. This is the authoritarian right-wing EKR or the Greens. I don't need to tell you which option I think would be best for people.

The Union and the EPP defend a strict asylum policy. Would you accept more restrictions to do business with them?

The EU has a huge shortage of skilled workers and needs immigration. We will promote this in the negotiations. With the big asylum and migration package that the EU has just decided on, at least the fair is not over. I do not believe that after implementation the suffering at the external borders will end or that Hungary will suddenly accept refugees. Both of them can't stay like this.

That was not an answer to the question. Would you agree with a greater adjustment?

So far I have done well conducting negotiations at the negotiating table instead of in interviews. I want to continue like this.

What asylum policy will you get if you vote Green on June 9? The one at the federal level, which supported the tightening of European asylum laws, or the one in your group, which voted against the majority of members of Parliament?

A policy that wants an end to deaths at the external borders. That people fleeing war and persecution have a fair chance at asylum. At the same time, orderly procedures are established. We have to improve the situation in our communities, some of which are really at the limit or even above. We in the party agree on this. In the concrete situation, we simply had different questions: in the final vote in the Council, a foreign minister can only choose between up or down, for or against the general package. In Parliament we were able to judge the different legal acts and we did so in a differentiated way.

There were differences in content, or would she have acted like Ms Baerbock if she were a minister rather than an MP?

That's a hypothetical question. The line of conflict does not run between Greens and Greens, but between those who defend human rights and right-wing populists like Meloni or Orbán who want to build a fortress Europe. The differences between Member States are enormous; I live these debates all the time. That's what makes it so difficult. That is why progressive forces should not allow ourselves to divide. We want an asylum policy that is based on humanity and order, that protects human rights and allows for orderly procedures. We drive this forward in our different roles.

Their posters say “Human rights and order”, they talk about “Humanity and order”; The CDU also uses this slogan. Why do the Greens sound like Horst Seehofer five years ago?

I don't think Horst Seehofer agrees with this. I don't do it either. Humanity and human rights have always been at the center of our politics. Anyone who wants refugees to receive reliable initial care and to receive clarity quickly cannot oppose the procedures working. Order also means that people will not have to endure dramatic conditions at the external borders forever. The CDU and the CSU are completely different.

His poster “Human Rights and Order” has barely been seen until now. Apparently the district associations don't like this.

I now travel a lot throughout the country and have seen it in many places, both in Berlin-Mitte and in the Ruhr region.

In the last European elections in 2019, the German Greens achieved a record result with 20.5 percent of the vote. Polls currently put them at around 15 percent. According to a European survey by the Ipsos institute carried out in March, the Green group could lose a total of 17 seats. The Liberals also risk losing seats, while the families of the Conservative and Social Democratic parties remain stable. Growth is expected for the right-wing factions EKR and ID (with the German AfD).

The large posters with you, Habeck and Baerbock speak of security, prosperity and freedom. Are you no longer winning on climate policy?

The biggest threat to our security is an out-of-control climate crisis. The key to prosperity is climate protection. In any case, freedom only exists if we manage to maintain a planet worth living on. Climate protection is crucial so that we can continue to live well in this country. And it is clear that in a time of global conflicts, inflation or attacks on democracy, we also want to provide answers to these questions. But yes, in the 2019 election campaign – before the coronavirus, before the Russian attack on Ukraine – the debate was easier to carry out.

If von der Leyen's re-election fails, you could become an EU commissioner. Under the traffic light coalition agreement, the Greens have the right to submit proposals. Would you like to become a climate commissioner?

I am now promoting a strong ecological outcome. We came into these elections with the argument that we want executive power. We'll see everything else later.

Terry Reintke, Green MEP

“I want to be judged by what we have done in the EU Parliament over the last five years”

Currently, the EU aims for climate neutrality by 2050. The electoral program of the European Greens aims for the year 2040. The German Greens wanted to weaken it, but failed. What goal are you running for?

This should happen as quickly as possible, if possible even faster than planned.

Again: as the main European candidate, do you support the demand of the European electoral programme: climate neutrality 2040?

The task is this: achieve climate neutrality as soon as possible while expanding and renewing our prosperity. Europe needs both and it can only be achieved together. That is why we need the Green Deal and a massive investment program in the EU, also so that the United States and China do not leave us behind technologically. For example, the Duisburg steelworks has four blast furnaces. The conversion to green hydrogen costs two billion euros each. Businesses can't do this without support, but it will pay off in the long run.

But if you want to join a coalition, you will have to make concessions and possibly support regressions in climate policy, rather than at least contributing to the discourse as a critical voice as before. Would it be worth it?

You can also break off negotiations. Whether the Conservatives really want to destroy the Green Deal, the question will be for us. It is not only crucial for climate protection, but also for our competitiveness. I am sure that the Union will realize this when the election campaign is over, especially since they also supported the Paris climate agreement. That is why I am firmly convinced that we can prevail. Business voices are also heard: we must invest more.

But they are also under pressure not to cede the field to the right, that is, to keep the EKR out of the majority of the coalition.

This increases the pressure on all Democrats to reach an agreement. Of course, there will be much to come to us. But talk to people with whom I have negotiated coalition agreements: I am very clear about the direction things must take for us to become part of the majority.

After two and a half years of traffic lights, many Green Party voters are asking themselves this question: Is their party making too many concessions?

And there are also people who have the impression that the Greens always get their way. I want to be judged by what we have done in the European Parliament over the last five years. We have achieved a lot there, starting with the Green Deal. This was only possible because we also agreed to compromises. I will also approach majority negotiations with this attitude. Of course I want it to work in the end. But not at any price.